It is argued the two questions, if approved, would embed constitutional change and blunt the tartan tax attacks. But the manner of the change caused fury in the Scottish party Tony Blair appeared to be backtracking on a promise. And this seemed precisely the kind of policy aimed at winning Middle England, but losing Scottish support to the Nationalists. Devolution spokesman John McAllion, associated with Labour’s home rule wing, hadn’t even been told, and he resigned.A threatened rebellion by Labour’s Scottish executive was quelled only by a desperate plea for party unity. Facing turmoil, Robertson invited ridicule by hastily shifting ground again to propose two referendums, before and after legislation – though within a week he had U-turned again, increasing the chances that early May will see him return to the relative calm of European affairs at which he excelled.Although the leadership prevailed, the episode left a trail of ill will, not least with those who had won.

A group emerged earlier this year, conspiratorially named The Network, dedicated to ensuring such an embarrassment could never happen again. Though few admit to membership, it was deemed to be behind an attempt to oust the Stroppy Jock tendency from the Scottish executive, the unwieldy focus of activist plotting.So for all the show of pre-election unity in Inverness, there are two loose groupings ready to emerge more prominently after 1 May. On one side are the loyalist leadership supporters such as George Robertson and Jack McConnell, the party’s top official in Scotland. Some see them as continuing a tradition of Labour’s old right, where Robertson once belonged though McConnell didn’t. Some members are appalled at the tactics of those who opposed the policy change last summer.

And finding common cause are those who see the new policy as the best way to limit the extent of Scottish home rule. Tam Dalyell, creator of the fabled West Lothian question, is not alone: there are others, such as Brian Wilson, with an anti-devolution past, and senior councillors who don’t want to lose their powers to an Edinburgh legislature.Against them are ranged home rulers such as trade unionist Bill Speirs and veteran home rule activist Bob McLean, determined to push the cause if the leadership takes fright again. There is the left – now branded Old Labour – though not necessarily keen on devolution, and also the awkward, oppositionist tendency, given to mistrust of Blair. Count MPs such as George Galloway and Dennis Canavan in all three categories.New Labour has the momentum and the fire-power until the election. And it is clearly using it in a bid to ensure that a prospective Labour administration in Edinburgh does not go completely native. One of the main threats to the constitutional reform is of antagonism between Edinburgh and London resulting in growing demands for separatism.Yet the closer a Scottish parliament comes, the more the mechanics of it seem to dampen enthusiasm. Labour activists who identified as primarily Scottish when the English party was doing badly have less reason to do so now that they are close to power on both sides of the Border.

And the real test of the commitment to an Edinburgh parliament may come when senior figures have to decide if their future lies there or in Westminster. George Robertson has been forced into saying he would opt to go north. Robin Cook, Gordon Brown, Donald Dewar and Brian Wilson, however, may find the attractions of Whitehall keep them there. After all, Scotland has a long tradition of exporting its best talent to the benefit of the English.. Eds stands at the back of the crowd with a carrier-bag full of crunchy meat-flavoured filler foods. We are watching the slow parade of the long-haired dachshunds. Eds pronounces it “dash-und” and I pronounce it “daks-unt”, and we each fix the other with a challenging eye every time the word comes out.

“It’s weird,” he says, after the furry red snappers have waddled, huge eyes fixed on their mistresses’ faces, round the patch of green felt laid out for the judging, “they’re all the same shape”. I do one of those eyes-upwards head waggles that nine-year-old boys are so keen on. “That,” I reply, “is because they’re all the same breed.” He waggles his head back “No, stupid I mean the women.” I look more closely. It’s true: everyone showing a dachshund today comes up to my shoulder, has thin legs, barrel-shaped trunks, and floral swimming-cap hairdos.